Tuesday 28 May 2013

Becket Window In Canterbury Cathedral


References

The Fake Medieval Images in Canterbury Cathedral
https://goo.gl/fgnYt6



Paradoxplace.com.
Stained Glass of Canterbury Cathedral
http://www.paradoxplace.com/Photo%20Pages/UK/Britain_South_and_West/Canterbury_Cathedral/Canterbury_Stained_Glass/Canterbury_Stained%20Glass.htm
https://goo.gl/ScKHkC


Therosewindow.com.
Canterbury cathedral stained glass
http://www.therosewindow.com/pilot/Canterbury/n-VII-Frame.htm


The Archaeological Journal
Volume 33 (1876) 
Notes on Early Glass in Canterbury Cathedral (pp 1-14PDF
Rev. W. J. Lome, B.A., F.S.A.

Saturday 18 May 2013

Garnier: Council of Clarendon January 1164


Extract from
Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence) (1936). La vie de saint Thomas Becket. Librairie Honoré Champion. pp. 33-7.

Verses 185-201
Lines 921-104

185. A Clarendune sunt li baron asemblé,
E li eveske i furent en grant pleneireté.
La volt li reis ke seit, oiant els tuz, mustré
Ceo que li arceveske li aveit gréante;
Mes l'arceveske peise k'il ot tant trespassé.

185. At Clarendon were the barons assembled.
And the bishops were there in great plenitude.
The king wanted it was that in the hearing of all shown
That which the archbishop had consented to with him.
But the archbishop thought that he had gone too far.

186. Mult fu dolent el cuer k'ot fet greanteison
De custume tenir ki est contre raison;
E mielz volt vers le rei chaïr en acaison
Ke mettre seint' iglise en tel cumfusion.
Ne crient encuntre Deu manace ne prison.

186. It did much sorrow in his heart that he had made a promise
To uphold custom which was against reason;
And towards the king better wanting him to fail in cause
Which has placed Holy Church in such confusion.
Up against God, neither fears threats nor prison.

187. Quant le rei nel pot veintre, n'i ot que coreciei.
Mes les ordenez Deu manace a detrenchier;
Seint' iglise voldra, se il poet, trebuchier.
Ne s'en volt l'arceveske de rien humilier,
Pur chose dunt li reis le sace manacier.

187, When the king could not vanquish, this only enraged him
Threatening those ordained of God to cut them up into pieces
Holy church he would, if he could, knock down.
For none of this would humiliate the archbishop,
No matter what the king threatened him with.

188. Ne sai que li reis ot, e li suen, aturné,
Mes dreit a l'arceveske sunt dui eveske alé,
Li uns de Salesbire, que li reis ot en hé,
E cil de Norewiz, k'il n'ot maint ior amé.
L'arceveske Thomas unt si araisuné:

I do not know what the king had, and his own men, set up,
But right to the archbishop were two bishops gone,
The one from Salisbury, whom the king had a hate,
And he of Norwich, of who he did not have much love.
The archbishop Thomas they were to make listen to reason:

189. «Sire», funt il, «pur Deu aiez merci de vus,
«De tute seint' iglise e de clers e de nus.
«Car li ,reis est vers vus en si grant ire escus,
«Se vus ne fêtes pais ui vers lui a estrus,
«Ceo saciez que nus iermes ambedui des chiés blus».

189. «Sire», they said, «for the sake of God, have mercy on yourself,
«For the whole of Holy Church, and for the clerics and for ours,
«Because he, the king is towards you in so great an ire beset,
«If you do not make peace definitely with him for sure,
«For this, know you, that we in tears both will have our heads severed».

190. Pur ceo ne s'est de rien l'arcevesque demis
De ceo k'il ot anceis en sun curage empris.
Dune sunt a lui venu dui cunte del pais,
Li cuens de Leïrcestre, ki de sens ot grant pris,
E cil de Cornuaille, ki ert al rei amis.

For this did nothing to put the archbishop down
Of this which he had beforehand in his courage taken up.
Then were come to him two earls of the country,
The earl of Leicester, who was great given of sense,
And he of Cornwall, who was a friend of the king.

191. Dient li k'ait merci e des suens e de sei,
De seint' iglise prenge, e de ses clers, cunrei;
Car si cel jur ne fait la volenté le rei.
De lur mains lur estuet faire si grant desrei
Li reis e il en erent huni cum gent senz lei.

They said to him that he should have mercy on his own men and himself,
Of Holy Church watch over, and towards his clerics, make provision;
Because if this day the will of the king is not done,
They would by their hands do so much damage
That the king and they would be dishonoured, as if they were a people without law.

192. Aine pur si grant manace ne perdi sa vertu.
Dui frère d'ultre mer sunt dune a lui venu.
Dan Ricard de Hastinges (maistre del Temple fu)
E Hostes autresi; mult erent coneû.
En Iermes devant li se sunt aresteû.

Even for so great a threat he did not lose his strength.
Two brothers from overseas then came to him.
Sir Richard of Hastings (who was Master of the Temple)
 And Osto [of St. Omer] as well, who were well known.
And stood in front of him in tears.

193. «Sire», funt il, «pur Deu, ki unkes ne menti,
«De tute seint' iglise pur quel n'avez merci?
«Fêtes la volenté de tant le rei Henri:
«Greantez ses custumes; dune serez bon ami.
«Seint' iglise altrement e clers sunt mal bailli».

«Sire,» they said,  « for the sake of God, who never lies,
«For the whole of Holy Church for which do you not have mercy?
«Do the will of everything the King Henry:
«Agree to his customs; then be a good friend.
«Holy Church otherwise and the clergy will be badly abused».

194. Bien erent a seûr e del tut acerté,
Se il gréante al rei ceo k'il ad demandé,
Ke li reis en fera tute sa volenté,
Ne ja cuntre sun ordre n'en ert mes rien parlé.
Et celui unai's il y a eu d'abord cil;
De ceo mettent en plegge els e lur lealté.

Well would be safely and for all certainity,
If he agreed to the king that which he had demanded
which the king and would be all his will
Neither I countering his order  nor in but nothing spoke
And to him  there was at first;
Of which placing a pledge else and their loyalty.

195. Greantent li k'il seient en fin mort e damné.
Se li reis quiert vers lui engin ne falseté,
Mes k'il li face honur, oiant tut sun barné,
De ceo dunt l'a desdit; qu'or li seit gréante!
N'en volt estre vencu, ne li tort a vilté.

195. Granting him that they would be at the end dead and damned
If the king was seeking towards him deceit or falsety,
But which he would do to him [the king] honour, [if] within the hearing of all his [the king's] barons.
Of those of which he has repudiated; which he were now to agree
Neither would he be signifying defeat, nor would he be wronged by shame.

196. Or veit li arceveske k'il l'unt tant agacié;
Veit le rei e les suens forment prons en pechié,
Seint' iglise en trebuch, e lui e le clergié,
E creit ke il avra ja del rei l'amistié.
Cels veit mult renumez ki li unt conseillié.

196. Now the archbishop saw they had all pressed him
He saw the king and his own shaping prone to sin.
Holy church cast down, and he and the clergy,
And believing that he would still have the king's amity.
He saw of how much renown those who had counselled him.

197. «Seignur», fet il idunc, < vostre cunseil en crei;
«Quant vus le me locz, sa volenté otrei;.
«Dune sunt il levé sus, e il pramet al rei,
«Oiant tut sun barnage, ceo dit: en bone fei
«E lealment tendra e custumes e lei.»

197. «Seigneur», said he then, «I believe in your counsel;
«When you to me say it, his I will concede;
«Then are it lifted up, and I promise to king,
«listening to all his baronage, this said: in good faith
«And loyally keeping both customs and law.»

198. «Segnur», fet dune li reis, «bien avez tuz oï 
«Que l'arceveske m'a pramis, sue merci,
«K'il gardera les leis del tens le rei Henri. 
«Or voil ke il le face greanter altresi 
«A trestuz les eveskes ki sunt ensemble ci». 

198. «Seigneur», then said the king, «Well have you heard
«That the archbishop has promised me, under mercy,
«That he will keep the laws which were held the king Henry.
«Now I want that it is agreed similarly
«By all of the bishops who are assembled here».

199. — «Sire», fet l'arceveske, «e jeo bien le cumant».
Dune se levèrent tuit, sin furent otreiant.
Mes cil de Salesbire se dreça en estant,
Demanda l'arceveske s'il ferait altretant.
«Oïl», fet l'arceveske. — Fet il: «E jel gréant».

199. «Sire», said the archbishop, «and I well it ask».
Then all rose, without being/going give agreement.
But that of Salisbury standing up in an instant,
Demanded the archbishop if he would as much.
«Yes», said the archbishop. Said  he: «And I agree».

200. — «Tutdis», fet li reis, «m'avez contralïé.
«Segnur», fet dune li reis, «quant il m'unt otrïé
«K'il garderunt les leis ki sunt en nostre sié,
«Or seez purveii e si bien conseillié
«Ke mes n'ait plait des leis entre nus comencié.

200. «Always», said the king, «you have contradicted me.
«Seigneur[s]», then said the king, [to the bishops] «when they have given me agreement
«That they will keep the laws which are of our kingdom,
«Now with foresight and be it so well advised
«So that a [legal] dispute of the laws between us does not arise.

201. « Mes ore alez la fors, e si me recordez
«Les leis le rei Henri, e puis sis escrivez.
«Quant escrites serunt, puis les nus musterrez».
Li reis i fist aler trestuz les plus senez.
Les escriz en unt fet e al rei aportez.

201. «So go forth now, and recall for me
«The laws of  king Henry [I], and then write them down.
«When they have been written, then you will show them to us».
The king sent all of the wisest to do this.
The writing of them was done and to the king they were brought.

202. Dune lu lit li escriz, oiant tut le tropel,
«Seignur», îet dune li reis, «n'ai soin de plet novel.
«Or voil que l'arceveske i pende sun seel».
L'arceveske respunt: «Fei que dei Deu le bel,
«Ceo n'iert, tant cume l'anme me bat' en cest vessel».

202. Then were read to them the writings, listening were all who were gathered.
«Seigneurs», said the king to them, «I have no need of a new dispute.
«Now I want the archbishop to append his seal to them».
The archbishop responded: «By the faith that I give to God the glorious,
«This I will not do, not whilst my soul beats within this body».

203. Car cil ki li aveient icest conseil loé,
E li privé le rei, l'orent aseûré,
Se le rei en avreit de parole honuré,
E veant sun barnage li oust gréante,
Ne sereit a nul tens escrit ne recordé;

203. Because those who had commended this advice to him,
And they in the privy of the king, had assured him,
That if the king of it would have his word of honour,
And in the presence of his barons they heard agreed,
Neither would it at any time be written nor recorded;

204. E li reis en fereit tute sa volenté,
E tuz curuz sereient entr'els dous parduné.
Or ri ourent del tut de covenant falsé.
Or n'en fera mes plus; trop a avant aie,
E pesot li que tant en aveit trespassé.

204. And the king would do all he [the archbishop] wanted,
And all anger would be between the two of them pardoned.
Then they all had made a false promise to him.
Now he would do no more; too much had gone before,
And he considered that he had gone too far.

205. Dune se sunt li real altrement conseillié.
Un cyrogrefe unt fet e en dous detrenchié.
A l'arceveske en unt baillie la meitié;
Mes il l'a receû sur defens del clergié.
«Seignurs», fet il, «par ceo savrom lur malveistié.

205. Then those of the royal party a different way advised.
A chirograph was made and cut into two pieces.
To the archbishop one half was handed over;
But he had received it in defence of the clergy.
«Seigneurs», he said, «by this we know their wickedness.

206. «Or veum bien le laz dunt nus devum guaitier;
«Seint' iglise quiderent en cel laz trebuchier».
Dune s'en ala li ber; n'i ot que corucier
De ceo qu'ot gréante cel malice plenier
E l'amistié le rei ne poeit purchacier.

206. «Now well we see the snare against which we must now beware;
«Holy Church, they think, will fall into this snare».
Then the good man went away; he had only been made angry
By how he had agreed to this evil plot
And [still] could not gain the friendship of the king.

207. Pur ceo k"il ot erré einsi, se suspendié;
Ne chanta, tresq'il l'ot l'apostoile nuntié.
Bien vit pur quei l'ot fet, si l'en a deslïé:
Pur délivrer l'ot fet le rei e le clergié,
L'un, de mort e de mal, e l'autre, de pechié.

For this which he had erred thus, he suspended himself;
Neither sang [mass], until he the pope had announced
Well seen pure that which he had done, so he of it absolved:
For deliver he had done the king and the clergy,
The one, of death of wrong, and the other, of committing sin.

208. Mes l'eveske d'Evrous (Rotrot l'oï numer)
Vint dune a Porecestre pur els dous acorder.
Li reis dist que tuzdis em purreit mes parler.
Se il ne poeit tant vers l'apostoile ovrer
K'en sun seel volsist les leis enseeler.

But the bishop of Evreux (Rotrou I have heard him named)
Went then to Porchester to bring these two to accord.
The king said that forever he could but speak of it.
If he [Thomas] could not from the pope manage to obtain
Consent that by his [Thomas'] seal the laws could be ensealed.

209. Par l'eveske Rotrot, ki mult le conseilla,
Ses briefs a l'apostoile li bon prestre enveia;
Ke il comfermt les leis le rei li depreia,
Et pendist sun seel. Mes il le refusa:
Bien sot que par destrece la requeste fet a.

By the bishop Rotrou, who much advised him,
His letters to the pope, the good priest were sent;
In which he begged him [the Pope] to confirm the king's laws 
And [allow him] to append his seal. But he [the Pope] refused it:
Well knowing that it was under duress the request had been made.


See

Garnier de Pont Sainte Maxence (1859). La vie de saint Thomas le martyr, publ. par C. Hippeau. pp. 36–.

Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence); Janet Shirley (1975). Garnier's Becket: translated from the 12th-century Vie saint Thomas le martyr de Cantorbire of Garnier of Pont-Sainte-Maxence. Phillimore. pp. 26–. ISBN 978-0-85033-200-1.

Guernes (de Pont-Sainte-Maxence); Jean-Guy Gouttebroze; Ambroise Queffélec (1990). La vie de saint Thomas Becket. Libr. H. Champion. pp. 34–. ISBN 978-2-85203-111-1.

Jacques T. E. Thomas (1 December 2002). Guernes De Pont-sainte-maxence, La Vie De Saint Thomas De Canterbury. Peeters. pp. 80–. ISBN 978-90-429-1188-8



See Also



Rotrou, bishop of Evreux
Richard de Hastings 
Charles Greenstreet Addison (1852). The Knights Templars. Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans. pp. 64–.

Hoston de St-Omer [
[Aka Osto de Saint-Omer, Toston de St. Omer]
Société des antiquaires de la Morinie (1841). Mémoires de la Société des antiquaires de la Morinie. pp. 98–.
Robin Griffith-Jones; David Park (2010). The Temple Church in London: History, Architecture, Art. Boydell & Brewer. pp. 24–. ISBN 978-1-84383-498-4.


Jocelyn de Bohun, bishop of Salisbury

William de Turbeville, bishop of Norwich


Robert 'Bossu' de Beaumont, earl of Leicester (1104-1168)


Reginald de Dunstanville, earl of Cornwall

Thursday 16 May 2013

William Fitzstephen on Council of Clarendon


Extract from


De concilio apud Clarendone habito. 

[35.] Itaque rex, conceptis pridem aliquibus adversus clerum communiter, et nunc adversus Thomam archiepiscopum personaliter, crescentibusque de die in diem stimulatione inimica, simultatibus, statuit de regalibus suis dignitatibus tractare. Convocatur generale concilium, et congregatur apud Clarendoniam. Rex proponit et scribit dignitates et consuetudines, quas avitas et in regno Angliae esse debere dixit. Robertus archidiaconus Oxenfordensis, qui et postea episcopus Herefordensis, et Jordanus archidiaconus Cicestriae, domestici clerici domus archiepiscopi, et quidam alii, intellecta domini regis ira, quae adversus eum graviter concepta quotidianis augebatur incrementis, accepta licentia discesserant ab eo. Rex etiam statim a principio, ex quo iram adversus eum altius conceperat, procuravit longius ab eo amovere duos probos et honestos clericos nutritos ab adolescentia de bonis ipsius archiepiscopi, quorum unus erat thesaurarius Eboracensis, et alter canonicus Sarumet uterque Johannes dictus erat: ne in opportunitatibus suis arcbiepiscopus illorum consilio vel auxilio uteretur. Alterumque eligi et ordinari episcopum Pictavensem; alterum vero exulare jussit. Sed et episcopum Herefordiensem Gilbertum propius ascitum obtinuit a domino papa transferri in Londoniensem episcopum, sicut putabatur, ut ejus contra archiepiscopum uteretur consilio.

Consuetudinum illarum plura capitula erant de libertatis ecclesiasticse conculcatione, de cleri omnimoda oppressione: ut clericus accusatus de furto, vel rapina, vel hujusmodi, primo veniat in curiam rcgis. Item, ut pro quantocunque crimine non excommunicetur comes, vel baro, vel officialis regis, rege inconsulto. Item ne appellationes fierent ad dominum papam, nisi post litem auditam in foro ecclesiastico coram decano, archidiacono, episcopo, archiepiscopo, et tandem in curia regis. Ne ad dominum papam iter arriperent episcopi, vel alii clerici vocati ab eo, vel appellati, vel appellantes ad eum, nisi per licentiam regis. Ne omnis controversia de fidei vel sacramenti transgressione sit in foro ecclesiastico; sed tantum de fide adacta, pro nuptiis, vel dote, vel hujusmodi, quae non debent fieri nisi in facie ecclesiae. De aliter dato fidei sacramento, ut de debitis, vel sic, statuit rex causam esse in foro laico. Item ut episcopi assint omnibus secularibus judiciis regis, praeterquam judicio sanguinis, et aliis in hunc modum, quae palam cum sacris canonum constitutionibus dissonantiam resonabant. Sed scriptae nunquam prius fuerant, nec etiam omnino fuerant in regno Anglise hae cousuetudines. Et etiam si fuissent, ne de antiquitate et usu potius quam de jure niteretur, rex, in illis spuriis statutis firmandis, attendere debuisset: quia Domiuus dicit, leges meas custodite. Item illud, Vae qui condunt leges iniquas. Item nusquam invenitur Dominum dixisse, ego sum consuetudo; sed dixit, ego sum veritas. Item consuetudinis ususve longaevi non tanta est auctoritas; ut aut rationem, ut ait imperator paganus, vincat aut legem. Immo, revelatione facta aequitatis et vcritatis, cedat usus rationi; ut in dccretis scripserunt sancti patres: quorum ergo contra rationem et ecclesiasticam libertatem statuit et scripsit rex Christianus. Sed archiepiscopus Thomas, integer vitae scelerisque purus, alias non poterat attemptari. Immo exquisitissimo dolo et arte maligna hoc ei procuratum est, ut vel has traditiones corroborans incideret in manus Dei, vel respuens incideret in manus regis: et condemnaretur turbator regiae majestatis, inimicus coronse, et occideretur. Dicebaturque hoc commentum fuisse Rogeri archiepiscopi Eboracensis, et Gilberti Londoniensis, et Johannis episcopi Sarum. Nam et postmodum super hoc a domino papa severissime redarguti, se purgaverunt in facie hominum, praestitis sacramentis. Hilario tamen prius obito, 

[36.] Exquirit rex assensum cleri, in his statutis firmandis. Proponitur tandem archiepiscopo, et contradicentibus episcopis discrimen a regis interpretibus, tanquam regi coronam regni auferre velit, si haec decreta confirmare contradixerit. Archiepiscopus annitentibus episcopis diu restitit, diu contradixit. Tandem ultimi nuntii regis venerunt, lacrymosis verbis expresse ei seorsim tracto significantes, quid futurum erat, si non adquiesceret. Timore mortis, et ut rcgem mitigaret, adquievit ad tempus, assensu et in verbo veritatis stipulatione, et sigillorum suorum impressione. Archiepiscopus, et ille Eboracensis, et omnes episcopi, statuta illa firmaverunt servanda regi legitime, sine dolo malo, et in bona fide. Rex eadem postea decreta transmisit domino papae confirmanda; quoe ipse lecta et intellecta reprobavit, expavit, damnavit.

[37.] Archiepiscopus Dei electus, post casum fortior erectus, spiritum resumpsit, poenituit, et se ipsum austerioribus alimentis et indumentis gravius coepit affligere, et se ab officio altaris suspendit, donec per confessionem et condignos poenitentiae fructus a Romano pontifice absolutus, meruit relaxari. Vere poenituit, quia, quantumcunque in eo erat, errata revocare et corrigere parat: coepiscopis revocare concessa vel nolentibus, vel regis timore, qui incubuit super eos, non audentibus. Ad familiare regis domicilium, lapideo muro circumseptam indaginem de Wodestoke, ubi audierat esse regem, iter agit archiepiscopus, aliquid ei locuturus; sed a janua repulsus redit Cantuariam. In maritima apud Rumeneye, villam suam, archiepiscopus recedere deliberans, ut regis iram ad tempus declinaret, bis attentavit mare; sed ventum vel nullum habuit vel contrarium. Quod auditum, regis iram maxime inflammavit.


So the king, finding fault  for a long time, in general, with some of the clergy, and now against archbishop Thomas personally, and with quarrels growing day by day, with an increasing hostility, decided to draw upon his royal privileges. He summoned a general council, which assembled at Clarendon. The king proposed to them, and set down in writing, a list of privileges and customs, which he declared to be ancestral in the kingdom of England and which ought to be enforced. Robert, archdeacon of Oxford, who later became bishop of Hereford, and Jordan, archdeacon of Chichester, domestic clerics in the archbishop's household, and a few others, earnestly reasoning that the king's anger was developing and increasing against the archbishop day by day, received his  permission to leave.  The king also, right from the very start of his ever deepening anger that he had conceived towards the archbishop, caused to be removed from him two upright and honest clerics who had been fostered by the archbishop since their youth from the archbishop's own resources, one of whom was the treasurer of York, and the other, a canon of Salisbury, both were called John: let not the archbishop have use of their help or counsel:  one he arranged to become elected and ordained bishop of Poitiers; the other truly he ordered to be sent into exile. It was supposed that he [the king] planned for Gilbert, bishop of Hereford, to be closer to himself, by obtaining assent from our lord the pope for his translation to the episcopacy of London, in order that he might make full use of his counsel against the archbishop.

Amongst many of those customs were several articles which trampled over ecclesiastical freedoms, oppressing the clergy in all manner of ways: like a clerk accused of theft, or robbery, or the like, who must first appear in the king's court. Likewise, an earl, or a baron, or an official of the king, for no matter how great a sin, may not excommunicated without consulting the king.  Also, no appeals are to be made to our lord the pope until after the cases have been heard in the ecclesiastical court before the dean, the archdeacon, the bishop, the archbishop, and finally the king's court. No journeys to our lord the pope may be made by bishops, or others of the clergy, who may have been summoned by him, or called to him, or are appealing to him, except by the consent of the king. Not every lawsuit concerning faith [oaths] or the transgression of a sacrament [breaking of oaths] is to be heard in an ecclesiastical court; but only those which concern faith, but not marriages, dowries, or similar, which should not take place in an ecclesiastical court. Concerning these other, where a sacramental promise on oath has been given, that those concerning debts, or such, the king should decide such cases in a lay court. Also, that the bishops are to be present at all secular judgments made by the king, except where a judgment of blood is involved, and others in like manner, which plainly resound dissonantly with the sacred canons. 

But never before have these customs ever been written down, not even at all in the kingdom of England. And even if they had been, not mentioning the prestige of antiquity of their use or any preference to their legal right, the king, when establishing those spurious statutes, ought to have paid attention to them: because the Lord says, <<Ye shall keep my laws.>>  [Leviticus 19:19].  Similarly, the text, <<Woe unto them that make wicked laws.>>[Isaiah 10:1]  Also, nowhere do we find the Lord saying that, <<I am a custom.>>, but says instead. <<I am the Truth.>>[John 14:6] Also, the use of an ancient custom for which the authority is not so great; or for that reason which a pagan emperor can say <<Either I can win or take by law.>> [Codex 8.52(53).2 (Imperator Constantinus)] Indeed, the revelation that equity and truth yield to the use of reason, as is written in the decrees of the holy fathers [Gratian, Decr. Pars I. Dis. viii. cc 3-9]; which is consequently therefore against the reason, and liberty of the church and thus wrote the Christian king.  But archbishop Thomas, wholesome in life and clear of villainy; was not otherwise able to be assailed. Indeed, it was by the most exquisite deception and malign art that he was manipulated, that either by supporting these traditions he put himself in the hands of God, or by rejecting he fell into the hands of the king, that as a disrupter of the king's majesty, he would be condemned, and as an enemy of Crown, be slain. And this was said to have been the fabrication of Roger, archbishop of York, and of Gilbert, bishop of London, and Hilary, bishop of Chichester, and of John, the bishop of Salisbury. In fact, after a while, they was most severely.reprimanded by the pope, and they purged themselves in the presence of the people, having sworn oaths. Hilary [bishop of Chichester], however, died before this, 

The king demanded the assent of the clergy in the confirmation of these statutes. It was suggested at length to the archbishop and contradicted by the bishops the difference to the king by interpreters, that he might be seen as wishing to take away the crown of the kingdom from the king, as it were, if when confirming these decrees, he contradicted. The archbishop resisted the assistance of the bishops, and for a long time opposed. At last the final messengers of the king came, and in tearful words expressed to him outlining separately the matters of significance, of what the future held, if he did not acquiesce. Out of fear of death, and so that he might appease the king, he acquiesced at the time, and on stipulation gave assent on oath, and by the impression of their seals. The Archbishop [of Canterbury], and he of York, and all the bishops, confirmed that those ordinances which the king had lawfully established, and they were to be observed honestly and without evil intent, and in good faith. The king later sent these decrees to the lord pope for confirmation; which he himself read and understood and rejected: and those he was afraid of he condemned.

The Archbishop, elect of God, having fallen [from grace], picked himself up more strongly. He took up the spirit again and repented, and began to afflict himself with more austere foods and heavier clothing, and refrained from performing office at the altar, until he was absolved by the Roman pontiff, through confession and by the worthy fruits of repentance, and deserved to be released. In truth penitent,  because,  no matter how much there was in it, he was prepared to revoke and correct his sins: his fellow bishops did not dare to revoke what they had conceded, either because they did not want to, or out of fear of the king, who had leaned heavily upon them. He journeyed to the king's family dwelling at Woodstock, which has a stone wall surrounding its hunting grounds, where he had heard that the king was. He wanted to speak to him,  but was repulsed at the gate, and returned to Canterbury. The Archbishop withdrew to his manor by the sea coast at Romney to deliberate, and to avoid the king's wrath for a time. He twice attempted a sea crossing, but either there was no wind, or it was contrary, which, when the king heard about this, inflamed his greatest anger. 

References

James Craigie Robertson (15 November 2012). Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury (Canonized by Pope Alexander III, AD 1173). Cambridge University Press. pp. 46–. ISBN 978-1-108-04927-6.


of Canterbury William; Benedict (Abbot of Peterborough); John (of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres); of Tewkesbury Alan, Edward Grim, William Fitzstephen, of Bosham Herbert (1877).Materials for the history of Thomas Becket: Vita Sancti Thomæ, Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et martyris, auctore Willelmo filio Stephani. Vita Sancti Thomæ, archiepiscopi et martyris, auctore Herberto de Boseham. Longman.  p. 49

Materials for the history of Thomas Becket: Vita Sancti Thomæ, Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et martyris, auctore Willelmo filio Stephani. Vita Sancti Thomæ, archiepiscopi et martyris, auctore Herberto de Boseham
Volume 3 of Materials for the history of Thomas Becket: archbishop of CanterburyJames Craigie Robertson

Roger of Hoveden (1853). H.T. Riley, ed. The Annals of Roger de Hoveden: Comprising The History of England and of Other Countries of Europe from A.D. 732 to A.D. 1201. H.G. Bohn. pp. 260–.


John Lingard on the Council of Clarendon

Matthew Paris
D. Wilins (1715) Concilia Magnae Britanniae et Hiberniae p. 435
 https://archive.org/stream/conciliamagnaebr01wilk#page/435/mode/1up

Richard Barber (2003). Henry Plantagenet. The Chronology of the Council of Clarendon: Boydell Press. pp. 243–. ISBN 978-0-85115-993-5.


"It is by no means by accident that th old statement, formulated by Tertullian and then used by Cyprian and Augustine, that Christ had not said: I am custom, but that he had said, I am the truth, was now taken up again." [by pope Gregory VII].
 
Gallica
Materials for the history of Thomas Becket, archbishop of Canterbury, canonized by pope Alexander III, A. D. 1173. Vol. 3 / ed. by James Craigie Robertson.