Thursday, 28 August 2014

The Ecclesiatical Divisions of France

Ecclesiastical Provinces [Archepiscopacies] in Henry II's continental domains

Rouen
Tours [and Dol]
Auch
Bordeaux
Bourges

References

Christopher Nugent Lawrence Brooke (1976). Church and Government in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to C. R. Cheney on His 70th Birthday. Cambridge University Press. pp. 19–.ISBN 978-0-521-21172-7.

Jacques Le Long; Charles-Marie Fevret De Fontette (1768). Bibliothèque historique de la France: contenant le catalogue des ouvrages imprimés et manuscrits qui traitent de l'Histoire de ce Royaume ou qui ont rapport [...]. Volume 1: J.-T. Herrisant. pp. 7–.
 



Wednesday, 27 August 2014

Letter John of Salisbury to Becket, early July 1170

Just before the meeting at Frétéval with King Henry II John of Salisbury wrote to Becket advising him to ready himself to issue the severe ecclesiastical punishments, interdict against the king and excommunications or suspensions against those who had transgressed by having officiated at the Coronation of Henry the Young King.

James Craigie Robertson; Joseph Brigstocke Sheppard (1885). Materials for the history of Thomas Becket: Epistles, DXXXI-DCCCVIII. Volume 7. Epistola 677: Longman & Company. pp. 318–.
MTB 677 John of Salisbury to Becket 

Anne J. Duggan (2000). The Correspondence of Thomas Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1162-1170: Letters 176-329. Volume 2. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-820893-8. pp. 1257-9. CTB 298

John (of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres) (1979). Editors W. J. Millor, Christopher Nugent Lawrence Brooke, Harold Edgeworth Butler The Letters of John of SalisburyVolume 2. Clarendon Press. p. 709. ISBN 978-0-19-822240-8.

O'Connor, John Francis, "An Annotated Translation of the Letters of John of Salisbury" (1947). Master's Theses. Paper 672. 
P.73 Letter 303/297
John to Archbishop Thomas Becket

Corpus Corporum Universität Zürich
(Patrologia Latina Tomus 199 Col. 0345B-)
EPISTOLA CCXCVII. AD THOMAM CANTUARIENSEM EPISCOPUM. (A. D. 1170, M. Iun.)
THOMAE Cantuar. archiepiscopo, I. SARES. a Carnoto.

Consilium domini Senonensis et nostrum est, si vobis melius non occurrit, ut litterae urgentiores quas habetis penes vos de iustitia exercenda, si pax (0345C) non fuerit, celerius Rothomagensi et Turonensi archiepiscopis ostendantur: saltem ut audiat hostis et terreatur. Praeterea desiderat ut suae reddantur Auxitano et Burdegalensi, quia et causae prodesse poterit, et persecutoris minuere vires, si in Guasconia auditum fuerit terram eius interdicto subiiciendam esse. Nam ad Bituricensem, quidquid de guerris contingat, semper facilior probabiliter speratur accessus. Et memineritis quantum periculum et infortunium ad se traxerit mora porrigendi conventionales archiepiscopo Rothomagensi et episcopo Nivernensi, et item prohibitorias Eboracensi archiepiscopo et episcopis transmarinis. Nec dixeritis quae provenerunt vobis non fuisse praedicta, sed (0345D) potius quod omnium auspicantium more, subtilitatem vestram vaticinia quae non erant a spiritu deluserunt. Utinam non sit deceptionis huius morbus irreparabilis: sed nisi coelitus data sit relevatio seu consolatio non occurrit. Et quidem recte, ut arbitror, cum nos alieni ingenii imaginationibus vanis praesumeremus evolvere cordis humani latebras, quarum solus Deus arbiter est. Quid, quaeso, magis temerarium, aut in Deum, qui hoc singularis eminentiae privilegio vindicat, iniuriosius est? Nam se ipsum nosse, etiam Apollinis oraculo summam esse sapientiam adeo celebris est sententia apud philosophos, ut ei nemo veterum ausus sit refragari. De coelo si quidem, ut aiunt, descendit Γνῶθι σεαυτὸν, id est Scito te ipsum. Quia ergo hic humana (0346A) deficit et angelica eatenus non attingit, sola Dei sapientia est quae consilia et cogitationes hominum non imaginatione phantastica coniicit, sed sicut sunt usquequaque cognoscit. Vaticiniis ergo renuntiemus inposterum, quia nos in hac parte gravius infortunia perculerunt. Qui corda finxit, illa examinet: nos quid domi nostrae sit exploremus.

“It is the advice of myself,” he says, “and his Lordship of Sens, unless any better course should occur to yourself, that those urgent letters, which your Lordship has in your possession, empowering you, in case no peace should be made, to take judicial steps, should be shown to the Archbishops of Rouen and Tours; that, at least, the adversary [the king their guest] may hear and tremble. It will be of great service to our cause, and will diminish the persecutor’s strength, when the news reaches Gascony that his dominions are to be laid under an Interdict. You know what great evils and mistakes the delay in delivering the conventional letters to the Archbishop of Rouen and Bishop of Nivers, and the prohibitory ones to the Archbishop of York and the other English Bishops, gave rise to.” 

References

Richard Hurrell Froude (1839). Remains. Chapter XX: Accommodation at Freitville. pp. 494–.

John Allen Giles (1846). The Life and Letters of Thomas À Becket: Now First Gathered from the Contemporary Historians. Chapter XXXVII: Whittaker. pp. 269–.

 

Wednesday, 20 August 2014

Correspondence following the Agreement of Frétéval, July 22nd 1170

Very soon after the agreement Becket had made with Henry at Frétéval on July 22nd, 1170 he sent a messenger to the Pope's court with letters and private verbal messages carried by this messenger for various cardinals and bishops requesting that they intercede with the Pope on an important matter. We do not know exactly what Becket was asking the Pope to do, but we can infer from the Pope's reply that he was seeking suspension or excommunication of those prelates who had been involved in the coronation of the young king.. The pope consented to Becket's request and had the letter of suspension of Roger archbishop of York, and the letters of excommunication for the two other bishops involved Salisbury and London sent to Becket to put into action should he deem it necessary. It was clear that Becket on his return to England was seeking absolute submission to his authority by his suffragan bishops, and full exertion of his role and position as Primate of all England. He saw it as absolutely necessary to discipline all those who had been his enemies and failed to support his cause of the freedom of the Church, and denied his authority.

It was execution of the letters which the Pope sent him which set in motion a train of events which eventually led to his murder in the cathedral.

CTB =

CTB 302
Becket to Cardinal Bishop Walter of Albano
Becket Correspondence Volume II pp 1283-5
After July 22nd 1170

Asking him to inform and intercede with the Pope. That the messenger who brings the message will explain the details of what he wants. To tell the Pope that peace has been made been made between him and the King of England.

CTB 303
Becket to Bishop Hubald of Ostia
After July 22nd 1170
Becket Correspondence Volume II pp 1285-7

Informing him that he has humbly made peace with the king of England. Requesting him to present this news to the Pope. Telling him that some have said that Becket should now  entrust himself to the king's will, but saying at the same time that he does not necessarily trust the king to honour and fulfil his side of the bargain.


CTB 304
Becket to Cardinal William of Pavia
after July 22nd 1170
Becket Correspondence Volume II pp 1287-9


Thanking him for all the effort he had made in Becket's cause. Considers him to be one of his friends. Tells him that he has finally succeeded in gaining a deal with the king of England. Asks him for assistance in promoting a petition he wishes to make to the Pope.

CTB 305
Becket to Cardinal Hyacinth
Becket Correspondence Volume II pp 1289-
after July 22nd 1170
delivered by messenger.


"It is right that the labourer in the field should be the first to eat after rendering the first fruits to God; it is even more right that his kindness, which has laboured so much and so long to raise up the all but ruined  holy church of Canterbury." Tells him that he has made peace with the king of England. And requests him for assistance in promoting a petition to the Pope details which will be given by his messenger.

CTB 306
Becket to Bishop William de Turba of Norwich
Becket Correspondence Volume II p. 1191
after 22nd July 1170

Tells him that he has made an honourable peace with the King of England, both to the honour of God and the Church.

CTB 307
Pope Alexander III to Becket
Veruli 10th September 1170
Becket Correspondence Volume II pp 1191-95

Having suffered in defence of ecclesiastical liberty the Pope told Becket that he wished to stand with him, were it not for the many other cases he had to consider. If he seems to have slack in Becket's cause it was because he was afraid for a schism within the Church. 

"As for those who have disturbed the peace and destroyed ecclesiastical liberty, and have cast themselves off from hope of repentance we impose canonical sentences on Roger, archbishop of York, and the other bishops who took the oath to preserve the evil customs and were fomentors of such great wickedness, we suspend them from episcopal dignity. Moreover we resume the sentence of anathema from which they were absolved on the bishops of Salisbury and London, because they have participated in the crowning of the new king contrary to the dignity of the church of canterbury. We leave it to your authority to decide on the bishop of Rochester who ought to have fought more resolutely for Canterbury's rights and Geoffrey Ridel who attacked his maternal church gravely and spurned the sentence of excommunication issued upon him, this is now to be considered ratified and confirmed by apostolic authority. And also his vicar Robert and bishop Godfrey of St Asaph who defied the Pope's mandate. And David archdeason of the same church."

[all these had participated in the Coronation of the Young King]

"We will confirm whatever you decide to do to these evil doers."


The Pope advises that Becket should seek the advice of the king of France before acting.





Wednesday, 6 August 2014

Appeals to Rome

This concerns the right of clerics, or indeed any member of the faithful,  to appeal to the Holy and Apostolic See in Rome in any case they may been charged with by a local or provincial ecclesiastical court in their own land.


The Pope was iudex totius ecclesiae. The principle was to be found in a constitutum of Pope Silvester I: "No one will judge the first see" - Nemo iudicabit primam sedem. It was assimilated into the False Decretals of Isidore, and later confirmed by Pope Nicholas I as canon law, and included by Gratian in his Decretum Gratiani  as Pars 2 Causa 9 Quaestio 3 Capitum 13.

C. XIII. Prima sedes nullius iudicio subiaceat. (Item Innocentius Papa.)
Nemo iudicabit primam sedem, iustitiam temperare desiderantem. Neque enim ab augusto, neque ab omni clero, neque a regibus, neque a populo iudex iudicabitur.


It was also included in Pope Gregory VII's Dictatus Papae as clause 19: That he himself may be judged by no one.


The right of appeal to the Pope in Rome conflicted directly with the King of England's own right to be the fount of all justice in his own kingdom, and the highest authority in England? Where did the buck stop, With the King or with the Pope? The king's coronation oath defined the king's role in this matter and his promise to the people: that the church of God and the whole Christian people shall have true peace at all time by our judgment; Second, that I will forbid extortion and all kinds of wrong-doing to all orders of men; Third, that I will enjoin equity and mercy in all judgments.

The Constitutions of Clarendon attempted to answer that question directly in Clauses 4, 7 and 8, and others. 

Becket challenged these principles by the very many excommunications he delivered to various bishops, barons and others. at Vézelay and other places. They would all have to make an appeal to Rome, to petition the Pope and obtain absolution from him.  Not even the King would be able to deal with their cases. Becket was clearly trying to force the King's hand, by a clear demonstration and exploitation of a weakness in the Constitutions' own legal position, by exposing a contradiction and flaw in its formulation.  And neither could the Pope ignore his situation as a result.

References


Council of Sardica [A.D. 343 OR 344]
Medieval Sourcebook: Council of Sardica: Canon V
Canon V [Greek Version]

The famous discussion between the African bishops and the Bishop
of Rome, on the subject of appeals to Rome.


Catholic Church (1879). Corpus iuris canonici. The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. pp. 229–. ISBN 978-1-58477-088-6.


Antoine Charlas (1684). Tractatus de libertatibvs Ecclesiae Gallicanae  apud Matthiam Hovivm. pp. 587–.

Gregorio XIII (Papa); Justus Henning Boehmer (1839). Corpus juris canonici: Decretum Gratiani. Secunda Pars Causa IX Quaest. III C. 13 : sumtibus Bernh. Tauchnitz jun. Col 522

J. H. Burns (17 October 1991). The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought C.350-c.1450. Cambridge University Press. pp. 286–. ISBN 978-0-521-42388-5.

Wilfried Hartmann; Kenneth Pennington (2012). The History of Byzantine and Eastern Canon Law to 1500. Apellatio: CUA Press. pp. 72–3. ISBN 978-0-8132-1679-9.

Healy, P. (1912). Council of Sardica. In The Catholic Encyclopedia.

Papi, H. (1907). Appeals. In The Catholic Encyclopedia.

For the rights of the Church and its supreme head, the pope, to receive appeals in ecclesiastical matters. For these and other similar questions see POPEPRIMACY, COUNCILS,GALLICANISMECCLESIASTICAL FORUM.





Thursday, 17 July 2014

Louis VII of France

André Gouron, « L'entourage de Louis VII face aux droits savants : Giraud de Bourges et son ordo », in Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes, no 146-1, 1988, p. 5-29, [lire en ligne].
Yves Sassier, Louis VII, Paris, Fayard, 1991, 506 p., (ISBN 2-213-02786-2).
Patrick Demouy, « Henri de France et Louis VII. L'évêque cistercien et son frère le roi », in Actes des congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l'enseignement supérieur public, no 29, 1998, p. 47-61, [lire en ligne].
Marcel Pacaut (1964). Louis VII et son royaume. S.E.V. P.E.N.

 Yves Sassier (7 November 1991). Louis VII. Fayard. pp. 1–. ISBN 978-2-213-67001-0.

Louis VII et Alexandre III (1159-1180)
Marcel Pacaut
Revue d'histoire de l'Église de France Année 1953 Volume 39 Numéro 132 pp. 5-45

L'entourage de Louis VII face aux droits savants : Giraud de Bourges et son ordo
André Gouron
Bibliothèque de l'école des chartes
Year 1988 Volume 146 Issue 146-1 pp. 5-29

Friday, 20 June 2014

John of Salisbury's Troubles Leading To His Exile

John of Salisbury was perhaps in Europe the foremost political philosopher and intellectual of his times. He was employed in the papal curia until about end of 1153, and early 1154 entered service with Archbishop Theobald. He had a rival in Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux. Both loathed each other. John had accused Arnulf that he had used the second crusade, who had been appointed papal legate for the Normans and English armies, for his own personal profit and gain, and blamed him for its mismanagement.  In 1156 Arnulf had persuaded Henry king of England not to invade Ireland by advising him, that the lordship of the Ireland granted by Pope Adrian IV to Henry which had been obtained by John of Salisbury seemed to acknowledge the pope's supremacy over all islands of Britain, something which Henry could not sanction: the Holy See claimed, under the Donation of Constantine, that every Christian island was the property of the Papacy thus any Papal Bull issued to the English crown authorising the invasion of Ireland would automatically grant the Pope authority over the whole of the British Isles. Henry reluctantly had to agree with Arnulf and decided not to act on the papal permission that he had been given, but John of Salisbury thereafter never forgave Arnulf for placing royal interest ahead and above that of the papal prerogative. Arnulf was a moderate, a political climber but seeking compromise where ever possible. John of Salisbury was more of an idealist, basing his judgement on the canons of the Church. John was highly critical of the mission that had been sent by Henry to Pope Adrian IV for they had used considerably amounts of bribes with the memebers of the Papal Curia to obtain what they wanted

John angered King Henry on several occasions. Arnulf, bishop of Lisieux, advised Henry to have him removed from court (See Giles JoS Epistola 121). During his visit to Rome as archbishop Theobald's representative in 1156. Upon his retum. Arnulf advised king Henry that John had been far too solicitous in the Church's cause, to the detriment of the king's own rights. John fell from the royal favour of Henry II
when he held to a position which differed from the King's in regard to secular and ecclesiastical jurisdiction.  And John was subsequently denounced of lèse-majesté, especially concerning when elections were to be held for the higher vacant positions in the Church in England or when ecclesiastical cases were to be examined and judged, and he was accused of promoting the Church's own rights of liberty in these matters to the archbishop of Canterbury. Because of this he was forced for a while into a kind of semi-retirement at Rheims in disgrace, exiled from the court of Theobald, archbishop of Canterbury at the command of Henry II, where he completes his work, The Policraticus. Indeed John of Salisbury even maintained in this work that the kings of England frequently abused the laws of lèse-majesté to rid themselves of awkward criticism. And indeed it was John's position that one owed a greater fealty to God, and to His hierarchy [Pope and Church] rather than to any earthly king.

A novel and heavy tax [scutage and extras] was introduced in 1156 and again 1159 by king Henry II the latter to meet the costs of and funding for the Toulouse campaign against the king of France, (See JoS Epistola 145. p. 223). The tax in 1159 is often known as the Great Scutage of Toulouse, and it has fallen arbitrarily and with a particularly heavy severity upon the Church (see J. H. Round in the Engl. Hist. Rev. vi. pp. 635-, 1891). John  vehemently denounced this tax (See JoS Epistola 113 p.162 and as a consequence he was to fall even further out of favour with the king, and was accused of urging the Church to assert its privileges and rights over those of the king's rights. John wrote about this in his letters to Peter of La Celle (See JoS Epistola. 115.p. 164 f and Epistola 96. p. 142),

It is ironical that Becket, during his time as the king's chancellor, had become the trusted friend of king Henry, and it seems that he was one of the principal organisers of the expedition to besiege Toulouse in 1159, and it was possibly he who was personally responsible or involved  in the levying of the heavy taxes imposed on the Church. Perhaps Becket was later to feel guilty about what he had done.

Upon Becket's accession as archbishop of Canterbury, John becomes a clerk at Canterbury, where he remained till his exile in 1163. John must have had a very significant and great influence upon Becket for he was eventually to adopt and makes his life's cause the rights and freedom of the Church over those of the king, ideas which were current in the Church, but being heavily promoted by John of Salisbury.  However there is no documentary evidence of how this influence evolved other than nearly all of John's books were dedicated to Becket.  During his time as Becket's clerk, Becket asked John to compose a biography [hagiography] of archbishop Anselm which Becket was to give to pope Alexander III at the Council of Tours and which he wanted to use in his campaign to have Anselm canonised as a saint. Anselm himself had been a strong campaigner for the freedom of the Church over the rights of kings. The pope subsequently authorised Becket to assemble a council of the bishops in England to review Anselm's case for sainthood.

John eventually left England and went into permanent exile in France late in 1163 or early in 1164 after further disagreements with the king about the liberties of the Church. He was strong supporter of the position that Becket had taken at the Council of Westminster in October 1163 and had championed his cause. Indeed it was possibly he who encouraged Becket to go into exile himself. It was he who helped to make preparations with the king of France to receive Becket after Becket's own flight from England following his trial at the Council of Northampton later, in November 1164. He was not to return until November 1170, just before Becket's own return.

References


David Luscombe, ‘Salisbury, John of (late 1110s–1180)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, May 2011 http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/14849

John of Salisbury (DNB00) - Wikisource

John of Salisbury (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)

The Avalon Project - The Bull of Pope Adrian IV Empowering Henry II to Conquer Ireland. A.D. 1155

The Bull Laudabiliter
Kate Norgate
The English Historical Review
Vol. 8, No. 29 (Jan., 1893), pp. 18-52
http://www.jstor.org/stable/548313
https://archive.org/stream/englishhistoric04edwagoog#page/n24/mode/1up

Nicholas Breakspear (Adrian IV.) Englishman and Pope A.H. Tarleton,

John of Salisbury The Metalogicon of John of Salisbury: A Twelfth-century Defense of the Verbal and Logical Arts of the Trivium. Paul Dry Books. pp. 274–. ISBN 978-1-58988-058-0.



C. P. Schriber, ‘Arnulf , bishop of Lisieux’, rev. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, Oct 2008
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/37127
John (of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres); John Allen Giles (1848). Joannis Saresberiensis opera omnia. Nunc primum in unum collegit et cum codicibus manuscriptis: Epistolae. Volume 1. Epistola CXXI: J. H. Parker. pp. 169–.
John to Pope Adrian IV
Letter 91 page 75
Translation: Cullinane, Mary Patricius, "Translations of Letters Sixty-One to One-Hundred Six of John of Salisbury" (1943). Master's Theses. Paper 478.
Summary: John tells Pope Adrian IV that Bishop Arnulf of Lisieux was the author of the accusations that had brought down upon his head the wrath of King Henry.
For further letters on John's trouble see also letters 94, 96, 101, 103, 104, 105, 106, 113, 127.
Translations: Rooney, Clare, "An Annotated Translation of the Letters of John of Salisbury: Letters 107-135" (1943). Master's Theses. Paper 344.

John (of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres); John Allen Giles (1848). Joannis Saresberiensis opera omnia. Nunc primum in unum collegit et cum codicibus manuscriptis: Epistolae. Volume 1 Epistola 96: J. H. Parker. pp. 141–.
Translation: Letter 127 - John to Abbot Peter of Celle p. 67
Summary: Acknowledges receipt of Peter's letter at Eastertide. and explains why he had not come to Troyes as he had promised. Friends had advised him not to flee from England in the midst of his troubles. and he was awaiting the king' s return. He asks Peter for some books, and suggests that he may visit him before the end of autumn. R. L. Poole places this letter in the Summer of 1160.  He deduces this date from John's mention of the queen's return from France.

John (of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres); John Allen Giles (1848). Joannis Saresberiensis opera omnia. Nunc primum in unum collegit et cum codicibus manuscriptis: Epistolae. Volume 1. Epistola 113: J. H. Parker. pp. 161–.
Translation: Letter 104 - John to Archdeacon Thomas Becket
Cullinane, Mary Patricius (1943) , "Translations of Letters Sixty-One to One-Hundred Six of John of Salisbury" Master's Theses. Paper 478.
Summary: John begs for Becket's intercession with the king, sends him the Pope's letter of petition and assures him of Theobald's favour. He also mentions that archbishop Theobald has stopped Becket receiving the "seconda auxilia" from his Becket's churches. This letter was written at the end of 1159.

John (of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres); John Allen Giles (1848). Joannis Saresberiensis opera omnia. Nunc primum in unum collegit et cum codicibus manuscriptis: Epistolae. Volume 1. Epistola 115: J. H. Parker. pp. 164–.
Translation: Letter 101 - John to Abbot Peter of Celle
Cullinane, Mary Patricius (1943) , "Translations of Letters Sixty-One to One-Hundred Six of John of Salisbury" Master's Theses. Paper 478.
Summary: John writes that malevolent informers [bishop Arnulf of Lisieux] have kindled the king 's wrath against him, and lists the charges that have been made. He fears that exile is near and has determined to quit England at the end of the year. This letter was written near the end of 1159. Peter of Celle was in constant touch with John during this trouble. Indeed, it may have been he who first warned John of the impending trouble.

John (of Salisbury, Bishop of Chartres); John Allen Giles (1848). Joannis Saresberiensis opera omnia. Nunc primum in unum collegit et cum codicibus manuscriptis: Epistolae. Volume 1. Epistola 145: J. H. Parker. pp. 221–.
Translation: Letter 174 - John to Bishop Bartholomew of Exeter

The Alleged Disgrace of John of Salisbury in 1159
Giles Constable
The English Historical Review
Vol. 69, No. 270 (Jan., 1954), pp. 67-76

Carolyn Poling Schriber (1990). The dilemma of Arnulf of Lisieux: new ideas versus old ideals. Indiana University Press. p. xviii. ISBN 978-0-253-35097-8.

Arnulf (of Lisieux) (1939). The letters of Arnulf of Lisieux. Offices of the Royal Historical Society.

Peter of Celle, Letters of Peter of Celle, ed. and trs. J. P. Haseldine, Oxford Medieval Texts (Oxford, 2001)


Giles JoS 134
Materials for the Life of Thomas Becket Volume 5: Epistola 55
Correspondence of Thomas Becket Vol 1: 24

Giles JoS 145 
Materials for the Life of Thomas Becket Volume 5: Epistola 194
Monumenta:  Ioannes Saresberiensis, Epistulae, 145  http://goo.gl/0WtdBp

JOHN OF SALISBURY
Sister M. Anthony Brown
Franciscan Studies
Vol. 19, No. 3/4 (SEPTEMBER-DECEMBER 1959), pp. 241-297